The Christchurch Civic Creche Case


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2003 - Jan-May

 




The Press
May 28 2003

The Quality of Mercy
By Matt Conway

A Justice ministry review has recommended setting up an independent board, perhaps chaired by a retired judge, to investigate wrongful conviction claims. The proposal echoes Britain’s Criminal Cases Review Commission, launched in 1997 to probe suspected miscarriages of justice. Its genesis was the disquieting Birmingham Six affair, in which six men were wrongly jailed for IRA pub bombings. The review here was prompted by the increasing complexity and number of mercy pleas (55 in the last eight years), including such high profile cases as convicted child abuser Peter Ellis, multiple killer David Bain, and falsely accused David Dougherty, freed from prison after new DNA evidence proved he had not abducted and raped an 11-year-old girl.

Justice Minister Phil Goff this week acknowledged the system for dealing with mercy pleas was stressed, slow, and placed too much power in the hands of government. A change could be ushered in as soon as next year. It cannot come soon enough for Nigel Hampton and Judith Ablett-Kerr, both senior Queen’s Counsel, and both highly critical of the handling of petitions.

“It’s been terribly arbitrary” says Mrs Ablett-Kerr, who acts for Ellis. “There is no consistency of approach, no transparency, and little accountability.”

In truth the Governor General has very little to do with mercy pleas, taking advice from the Justice Minister, who in turn looks to officials. Deep within the bowels of bureaucracy, at the Justice Ministry, is where the real power resides. Here the legal advisors decide the course a petition will take. Warren Young, deputy secretary of Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice, confirms the ministry uses a “weeding out process” to determine whether any outside expertise will be sought. Controversial or complex petitions are often handled in-house by ministry lawyers, then referred to a QC or retired judge for peer review. Alternatively, officials might encourage the Minister to appoint a QC or retired judge to do the whole assessment and provide direct advice.

Mr Hampton says this “haphazard” approach erodes confidence in the system, and fuels the public outcry which often accompanies controversial verdicts. The undying debate over Ellis, found guilty of abusing children at the Christchurch Civic Crèche, is a prime example; Bain’s conviction for murdering his Dunedin family is another. Both petitioned the Governor-General and secured vastly different referrals back to the Court of Appeal. Mrs Ablett-Kerr failed to get the Ellis verdicts quashed. The Bain case is to be reheard in September. Frustrated supporters (such as Bain campaigner Joe Karem) now play on the media to relitigate cases and help overturn verdicts.

Mr Hampton says launching an independent authority to investigate wrongful conviction claims would restore confidence and sweep away the doubts.

“There is a need to assuage the public mind that we are not having miscarriages of justice occur in cases (that are) unable to be remedied,” he says. His call carries considerable weight; Hr Hampton is a former Chief justice of Tonga and chair of NZ Law Practitioners’ Disciplinary Tribunal.

In December 2001, he lodged a second mercy plea on behalf of convicted murderer Rex Haig – and is still fuming about the treatment of the first. Almost two years went into building what, in Mr Hampton’s view, was a compelling argument supported by cogent new evidence. Parliament was last week told that the Haig petition included statements from twelve people implicating star prosecution witness David Hogan in the Death of Southland fisherman Mark Roderique. Mr Hogan, given a $13,000 police reward and immunity from prosecution, had allegedly admitted sole responsibility for the killing to five of the witnesses, ACT justice spokesman Stephen Franks told the house.  In February 2001, 17 months after it was submitted, the first Haig mercy plea was declined.

Mr Hampton says his surprise at the delay turned to “incredulous astonishment” when he discovered the petition had been internally assessed by two ministry lawyers, without the benefit of a full, independent review. Essentially, the justice officials produced a 22 page advisory report without making any independent inquiries. None of the nine witnesses (three of the twelve are now dead) were spoken too; nor was the crown Solicitor who prosecuted Haig. The report concluded that the evidence in the Haig petition failed to meet the two criteria for a referral to the Court of Appeal, namely:

It was not “fresh”  (defined as evidence not available at the trial, or reasonably discoverable by the defence).

It was not so compelling as to point to a likely miscarriage of justice.

At Haig’s trial, the jury heard evidence that Mr Hogan had twice claimed sole responsibility for shooting Roderique. Mr Franks told Parliament that with the petition were sworn statements from twelve people who directly or indirectly implicate Mr Hogan in Mr Roderique’s death. According to the ministry’s report, however, this “simply confirms the material that was before the jury at the time of the petitioner’s trial”. Mr Hampton is scratching his beard over that one. “That redefines ‘fresh’ entirely,” he says. “If they used that sort of criteria, it would mean that it wouldn’t matter it was the most comprehensive, detailed, and corroborated confession in the world that was given – say a death bed confession. On the basis of the reasoning of the officials, that would not be fresh evidence if that person had said in passing at an earlier stage that he or she had been guilty. “Now that’s got to be nonsense. The post-trial admissions (referred to in the Haig petition) simply didn’t exist, so they’ve got to be fresh evidence.” The report argued that “it was open to the jury to accept or reject Hogan’s evidence at trial ... and there is no fresh and compelling evidence available that suggests that a miscarriage of justice has occurred.”

Auckland QC John Billington gave the only outside appraisal of the ministry’s advice. His “review” amounted to a 1 ½ page letter, in which he endorsed the report and its findings. Wrote Billington: “I have deliberately not undertaken a detailed analysis of the petition, (witness) affidavits and your report, as I am satisfied that you have covered all relevant issues, both factual and legal.”

In his second submission to the Governor-General, Mr Hampton says the original ministry advice contained errors, omissions, and deficiencies which amounted to a “denial of justice” to Haig. He also lashed the ministry for ignoring the combined effect of the evidence. “It was a policy, in effect, to isolate and divide, deal with each point alone, and not look at the cumulative substance,” Mr Hampton argued.

“That was, it is submitted, an error. It fails to give proper consideration to what must be the over-riding criterion here, namely whether there has been the possibility of a miscarriage of justice.”

The ministry would not talk to the Press about its handling of the Haig petition while a second mercy plea is in the works. This time round the Haig petition has been referred to Colin Curruthers, QC, for independent advice. One of our questions to the ministry is simply this; why did that not happen in the first place?

Mr Hampton is delighted to hear mercy pleas could soon be hoisted from what he regards as a bureaucratic backwater to allow “the whole matrix” to be explored.

 “But it has taken some difficult cases and some crises from those cases to seemingly provoke the Government into action,” he says. Mrs Ablett-Kerr believes the proposed new authority would be “a huge step forward”. “I think it needs to move very quickly because there are people who are languishing in the present inelegant and inefficient system,\” she says. However, an experienced QC rather than retired judge is her preference to lead an independent board. “Asking presumably a retired High Court judge or somebody of that ilk to effectively say three of his brother or sister judges in the Court of Appeal got it wrong is a bit of a big call, isn’t it?”

The cost of improving the judicial safety net could be as much as $1 million, Mr Goff says. Such, he says, is the price of justice.