The Christchurch Civic Crèche Case

2003 Documents

The Petition of Lynley Hood et al - Index




Petition of Lynley Jane Hood and Don Brash and 807 others
August 28, 2003

Index

1       The Petition

2       Preamble

3       Summary

4       The Christchurch Civic Creche Case

5       Calls for an inquiry into the Creche Case (1993-2003)

6       Questions raised by the Creche Case

7       The need for a Royal Commission of Inquiry

8       Miscarriages of Justice: Historical Precedents

9       Attachment 1: Notes on 177 signatories to the petition

10     Attachment 2: Comments on the Ministry of Justice discussion paper   The Royal Prerogative of Mercy: A Review of New Zealand Practice.





28 August, 2003

Submission


To the Justice and Electoral Committee

On the Petition of Lynley Jane Hood and Don Brash and 807 others, which states:

We the undersigned petition the House a/Representatives to urge the Government to establish a Royal Commission of Inquiry, presided over by a Judge or Judges from outside the New Zealand jurisdiction, to enquire into all aspects of the investigation and legal processes relating to the Christchurch Civic Creche case.

The case is one of great public and professional concern, and raises serious questions about the administration of justice and the working of existing laws which must be addressed.






Preamble

1.         This submission was prepared by Lynley Hood, author of A City Possessed: the Christchurch Civic Creche Case: Child Abuse, Gender Politics and the Law (Longacre, 2001), in consultation with signatories to the petition.

2.         I wish to appear before the committee to speak to this submission. I can be contacted at
P.O. Box 2041, South Dunedin,
or by telephone at 03 587 7686 or 027 222 9279,
or by email at [email protected]

3.         I wish that the following persons appear in support of this submission (depending on their availability at the time of the oral hearing):

a.       Assoc. Prof. James Allan, Law, University of Otago.

b.       Prof. Brian Brooks, Law, Victoria University.

c.       Prof. John Burrows, Law, University of Canterbury.

d.       Assoc, Prof. Denis Dutton, Philosophy, University of Canterbury.

e.       Prof. John Pratt, Criminology, Victoria University.

f.       Bernard Robertson, editor, NZ Law Journal.

g.       (Possibly) Two MPs from different parties who have signed the petition.

 


Index

1      Summary

2      The Christchurch Civic Creche Case

3      Calls for an inquiry into the Creche Case (1993-2003)

4      Questions raised by the Creche Case

5      The need for a Royal Commission of Inquiry

6      Miscarriages of Justice: Historical Precedents

7      Notes on 177 signatories to the petition

8      Attached - Comments on the Ministry of Justice discussion paper
The Royal Prerogative of Mercy: A Review of New Zealand Practice.


*  Supporting documentation is available from the author on request.


"Like old asbestos, the Peter Ellis case keeps coming back to trouble a cursory society that hoped to bury it with a legal bulldozer. I respect the rule of law, as most do, but I believe it was poorly advised in many instances here, particularly in the area of child evidential interviewing where pseudoscience distorted commonsense and the feral enthusiasms of a few drove the judicial process off course with unnerving ease. Only a respectworthy, independent inquiry can hope now to resolve the widespread unease."

James Walshe, Consultant Psychiatrist, Christchurch





Summary

4          The Christchurch Civic Creche case ['the creche case'] was one of the most extensive, expensive and controversial criminal investigations in New Zealand history. The case began in November 1991 with the ambiguous comment of a three-year-old boy. Over the following 18 months scores of creche families had their lives thrown into turmoil, five childcare workers were arrested and charged, and one (Peter Ellis) was convicted and sentenced to 10 years in jail.

5.         Public and professional concern about the investigative and legal processes involved in the creche case has grown steadily since allegations of large scale sexual offending against children by creche staff first surfaced in 1992.

6.         With the publication of A City Possessed in 2001, a detailed account of the entire case became available to the reading public.

7.         An 807-signature petition was presented to Parliament on 24 June 2003. The same day, in response to public demand, a second, identical, petition was opened to allow anyone who wanted to sign to do so. The second, 4000+ signature petition will be presented to Parliament in September. The petitioners request that both petitions be considered together.

8.         In the history of New Zealand criminal justice, no other petitions to Parliament have been supported by so many distinguished legal, political, professional and scholarly authorities.

9.         Signatories include two former Prime Ministers, four former cabinet ministers, 26 current MPs (from all parties), a retired High Court judge, a retired District Court Judge, 12 law professors, 12 Queens Counsel, four psychology professors, professors of medicine, philosophy, medical ethics, sociology and education, scores of lawyers and teachers, plus writers, journalists, artists, librarians, nurses, hairdressers, builders, engineers, booksellers, checkout operators, counsellors, farmers, taxi drivers, doctors, wine makers, architects, firefighters, and indeed New Zealanders from all walks of life.

10.       As evidenced by these petitions, and also by a March 2003 resolution of the Criminal Bar Association of Canterbury calling for a Royal Commission of Inquiry into the case (carried 23-0, with 1 abstention) and a public opinion poll commissioned by the Christchurch Press on 26-28 July 2003 (showing that 68% of Cantabrians want a Commission of Inquiry, 17% do not, and 16% don't know), there is now a widespread public and professional consensus:

a.       That in the Christchurch Civic Creche case the justice system failed, and failed catastrophically at many levels, and has been unable to self-correct.

b.       That the creche case has implications for the wider community that we ignore at our peril. These relate to the harm being inflicted on society by current campaigns to protect children from vaguely defined sexual dangers by criminalising and scapegoating a wide range of people and behaviours. The power and capriciousness of the laws and attitudes wrought by these campaigns have driven a destructive wedge between all adults and all children.

c.       That the implications of the creche case are of greatest concern to adult males, to teachers, and to people who work with troubled and needy children. For all these people, the fear of false allegations, and the risk that any expression of physical affection will be interpreted as sexual abuse, is an ever-present anxiety.

d.       That until the issues raised by the creche case are fully and independently addressed New Zealanders will be as much at risk of having their lives, their families and their communities thrown into turmoil by sex abuse hysteria as the people of Christchurch were in 1992.

e.       That because everyone involved in the creche case was, in one way or another, a victim, the aim of an inquiry should not be to blame or punish, but to establish, as far as possible, the truth about what happened and why it happened, and to ensure that any lessons to be learnt, are learnt.

f.       That the child complainants (now young adults) are entitled to know the truth.

g.       That the proper constitutional mechanism by which the creche case may be fully examined, and public confidence in the justice system restored, is a Royal Commission of Inquiry.

h.       That until the concerns raised by the creche case are resolved in a manner acceptable to most New Zealanders they will not go away.





The Christchurch Civic Creche Case

11.       In November 1991, following her child's ambiguous comment, his mother set up her own support group and contacted the police. By June 1993, more than 100 past and present creche children had been subjected to months of persistent and leading questioning, 12 creche workers had been deprived of their jobs, their careers and their previously unblemished reputations, five creche workers had been arrested and charged with serious sexual offences, and one - Peter Ellis - had been convicted and sentenced to 10 years in prison.

12.       In December 1993, the application for costs by the four women creche workers who had been arrested and discharged was declined by the High Court.

13.       In July 1994, the oldest and most credible of the child witnesses retracted her allegations. She said she had lied about indecent touching and forced contact with Ellis's penis because she thought that was what the interviewer wanted her to say. The Court of Appeal quashed the convictions relating to that child but upheld Ellis's remaining convictions and left his sentence unchanged.

14.       In March 1995, the 11 women creche workers who had lost their jobs when the crèche closed won their unjustified dismissal case in the Employment Court.

15.       In September 1996 the Court of Appeal overturned the Employment Court decision.

16.       By 2001, the conviction of Peter Ellis had been the subject of two Court of Appeal hearings, three petitions to the Governor-General, and a Ministerial Inquiry. Both Court of Appeal hearings and the Ministerial Inquiry concluded that Ellis's guilt had been proved beyond reasonable doubt.

17.       Each of the criminal and employment court proceedings, and the Ministerial Inquiry, addressed a narrow range of issues. No full and independent inquiry into the entire case and the wider issues it raises has ever been undertaken.





Calls For An Inquiry Into The Creche Case (1993-2003)


18.       Correspondence to successive Ministers of Justice obtained under the Official Information Act shows that, since 1993, the creche case has been of ongoing concern to a wide range of New Zealanders. The failure of successive Governments to address these concerns has served only to exacerbate them.

Some of the more significant calls for an inquiry (and other major developments in the case) are as follows:

19.       In May 1993, two weeks before the end of the Ellis trial, former creche supervisor Gaye Davidson wrote to the Attorney-General (Paul East) and the Ministers of Justice (Doug Graham), Police (John Banks), Social Welfare (Jenny Shipley) and Education (Lockwood Smith) on behalf of the Civic Child Care Inquiry Organisation (a group that included "the four women whose charges were dismissed, other childcare workers who lost their jobs, parents of children who were at the Centre, parents of children who were interviewed as part of the inquiry, the parents of a child who was the subject of charges brought against Peter Ellis at depositions stage but subsequently dropped... a number of professional people... and other people in the community').

20.       Davidson sought 'the establishment of an official inquiry into matters arising from the investigation of sexual abuse allegations concerning the Christchurch Civic Childcare Centre (Footnote 1) the closure of the Centre and the prosecution of various workers associated with the Centre'. She outlined 20 concerns relating to the conduct of the investigation by police and social welfare officers, the involvement of therapists and counsellors in the process, the laws under which they operated, the damage done to innocent people and the lack of accountability of those responsible, and cited inquiries into the Cleveland and Orkney child sexual abuse scandals as appropriate models for a New Zealand inquiry. She stressed that an inquiry was necessary, regardless of the outcome of the Ellis trial.
(Footnote 1: Popularly known as the Christchurch Civic Creche)

21.       In June 1993, Peter Ellis was convicted on 16 counts of abusing 7 children in his care.

22.       In July 1993, the Attorney-General and the Ministers of Justice, Police, Social Welfare and Education rejected Davidson's call for an inquiry.

23.       In March 1995 Deputy Solicitor-General Lowell Goddard [now Justice Goddard] considered submissions for an inquiry into the creche case from: the Civic Child Care Inquiry Organisation (1993) [see 19 & 20 above]; Mr R. Glover, president of the Criminal Bar Association of Canterbury (1993); Mr G. Nation, barrister (1994); Mr J. Rowan, barrister (1994); Dr K. Le Page, psychiatrist (1995); and Mr G. Panckhurst QC [now Justice Panckhurst], barrister (1995).

24.       Panckhurst's submission was based on his experience of representing the creche staff in the Employment Court. '[T]he results of the Police decision-making in this instance have been so disastrous for so many, that the internal processes behind them should be the subject of independent scrutiny,' he wrote.

25.       Le Page's submission was based on his experience as an expert witness for the defence in the Christchurch and Wellington creche cases (Footnote 2), '[The legislation s,23G of the Evidence Act under which your cases are tried is scientifically invalid and as a consequence innocent people have been imprisoned, others smeared for life and families have been destroyed,' he wrote.
(Footnote 2: The Wellington creche case took place shortly after the Christchurch Civic Creche case. It had a lower profile and also resulted in a conviction)

26.       The other submissions suggested that the Civic Creche case was part of a wider problem. ‘I do not believe that a Government concerned with the administration of justice can simply sit back and watch while the public debate continues,' Nation wrote. ‘[A]s long as these inadequacies in the system continue, children, families and those falsely accused are being hurt.'

27.       In May 1995, Labour spokesperson on Justice Phil Goff wrote: 'I believe that it would be very useful to conduct a full inquiry into the wider issues which have emerged from the Christchurch Civic Childcare case as well as the specific issues involved in the case itself.'

28.       In June 1995, Attorney-General Paul East announced that there would be no inquiry. 'Where the Courts have determined issues in the course of legal process, governments in the past have not considered inquiries desirable unless there is evidence of abuse of the court process or a failure of the legal system itself,' he said.

29.       Panckhurst replied: 'I believe a siege mentality has developed with regard to this matter. Endeavour was made to raise the concerns identified in my letter in a way which was restrained, constructive and responsible. I fear that the damage which has been done to so many innocent people will mean the Civic Creche case will not go away. The blanket decision of the State agencies to resist any review of their actions, will simply aggravate a situation which is already of widespread concern . . . ’

30.       In early December 1997, a TVS 20/20 documentary revealed: that the foreman of the Ellis jury had officiated at the Crown Solicitor's wedding; that, during the crèche investigation, senior police were concerned about the mental stability of the officer in charge; and that, during the Ellis trial, the partner of a juror worked in the same office as a witness for the prosecution.

31.       In-house Police and Crown Law Office investigations concluded that the 20/20 revelations were of no significance.

32.       In late December 1997, Peter Ellis petitioned the Governor-General for the Royal Prerogative of Mercy.

33.       In February 1998, the Ellis case was referred back to the Court of Appeal under s.406(a) Crimes Act (1961).

34.       In June 1998, an application to extend the scope of the reference under s.406(a) so that the entire Ellis case could be reconsidered was rejected by the Court of Appeal.

35.       In November 1998, Peter Ellis petitioned the Governor-General for a free pardon and a Royal Commission of Inquiry or, alternatively, a Royal Commission of Inquiry and for the whole case to be referred back to the Court of Appeal. Sir Thomas Thorp was asked to provide an opinion on the petition.

36.       In January 1999, after studying the petition and related documents. Sir Thomas Thorp recommended that the reference to the Court of Appeal under s.406(a) be extended. He also noted that the petition 'raises questions of a wider significance about the appropriateness of the codes which currently govern the obtaining and presenting of the evidence of young children in this country.’ In particular, Thorp recommended that sections 23G and 23H of the Evidence Act, and the CYPS/Police protocol for the interviewing of child witnesses, be reviewed.

37.       At the 2nd Ellis appeal in July 1999, the Court of Appeal limited its deliberations to evidence not available at the time of the trial or first appeal.

38.       In September 1999, Peter Ellis's mother delivered a written request to Justice Minister Tony Ryall and all MPs for a Royal Commission of Inquiry into her son's case.

39.       In October 1999, the Court of Appeal upheld Peter Ellis's conviction, but noted, on four separate occasions in the course of the judgment, that, among documents presented during the 2nd Ellis appeal, 'There may be matters which are worthy of, and could properly be addressed by, a commission of enquiry.'

40.       In November 1999, Peter Ellis petitioned the Governor-General for a 3rd time, requesting a free pardon and a Royal Commission of Inquiry into his case.

41.       In March 2000, Justice Minister Phil Goff instructed former Chief Justice Sir Thomas Eichelbaum to undertake a Ministerial Inquiry into the interviewing of the six children whom Ellis had been convicted of abusing.

42.       In March 2001, Sir Thomas Eichelbaum concluded that the children's evidence was reliable, and that Ellis's guilt had been proved beyond reasonable doubt.

43.       In October 2001, A City Possessed-was published. Phil Goff said that he did not plan to read the book.

44.       In March 2002, Phil Goff instructed Val Sim, Chief Legal Counsel of the Ministry of Justice to report on whether A City Possessed 'discloses any new information which might point to the need for further inquiry into the Peter Ellis case.'

45.       In September 2002, Phil Goff informed everyone who had written to him about A City Possessed that 'the Ministry of Justice's Chief Legal Counsel concluded that there was no significant new evidence [in the book] which has not already been considered...'.

46.       But Phil Goff made no mention of Val Sim's advice, in relation to the question of whether Ellis should be pardoned, that new and legally admissible evidence was NOT required before the Executive could act to overturn a conviction. Sim wrote:

While the Royal Prerogative exists as a safety net, it is a very serious matter in a society governed by the rule of law for the Executive to overrule a Court decision. Such a step should only be taken if the decision is demonstrably wrong or for some other good reason. This does not necessarily mean that the Executive could not act to overturn a conviction unless there is new, and legally admissible evidence, which shows the conviction is wrong, but it would need to be demonstrated that there are matters of very real substance which undermine the safety of the conviction.

47.       In March 2003, a Special General Meeting of the Criminal Bar Association of Canterbury passed this resolution 23 - 0, with one abstention: 'That this Association urge the Minister of Justice to establish a Royal Commission of Inquiry presided over by a Judge or Judges from outside the New Zealand jurisdiction to enquire into all aspects of the investigative and legal processes relating to the case of R. v Ellis.'

48.       Minister of Justice Phil Goff said that calls for further inquiry into the case* s facts were 'completely unrealistic'.

49.       In May 2003, MPs Katherine Rich and Don Brash adapted the resolution of the Criminal Bar Association of Canterbury for the petition that is the subject of this submission. Their aim was to obtain the signatures of 100 prominent New Zealanders.

50.       In June 2003, the first petition, signed by 807 New Zealanders, was presented to Parliament. In response to popular demand, the second, identical petition was opened the same day.

51.       Minister of Justice Phil Goff rejected the call to establish a Royal Commission of Inquiry (despite conceding that he had the authority to do so).





Questions raised by the Creche Case
that warrant full and independent examination include
(but are not restricted to) the following:



A.      The Creche Investigation and Court Proceedings


52.       Whether the availability of ACC lump sum compensation for sexual abuse encouraged parents to lay complaints against the creche staff.

53.       Whether the beliefs (about men, pornography, sexual abuse and heterosexuality) held by some therapists and interviewers, and the beliefs (about God, Satan, pornography and homosexuality) held by some police officers, compromised their objectivity and detachment.

54.       Whether an officer of the rank of Detective should have been in charge of a multiple victim case involving serious criminal allegations, important legal and policy questions and major budgetary issues.

55.       Whether irresponsible media coverage inflamed an already volatile situation.

56.       Whether networking between police, interviewers, counsellors and parents, parental questioning of children, and leading and oppressive specialist interviewing, contaminated the children's evidence.

57.       Whether the basic civil rights of the creche workers were violated.

58.       Whether the children's evidence was credible.

59.       Whether, in view of the layout of the creche and the way that it functioned, the offences could possibly have happened.

60.       Whether there was any rational or legal justification for:

a.       Calling two mass meetings of creche parents.

b.       Encouraging parents to send their children for formal interviews.

c.       Encouraging parents to apply for ACC compensation.

d.       Encouraging parents to put themselves and their children into therapy.

e.       Establishing support groups for parents and extended families.

f.       Closing the creche,

g.       Arresting Peter Ellis and his four colleagues.

61.       Whether Peter Ellis's trial and appeals met minimum standards of fairness and due process.

62.       Whether a Ministerial Inquiry was the appropriate forum for an issue as complex and controversial as the creche case.

63.       Whether the terms of reference for the Ministerial Inquiry were too narrow.

64.       Whether the Ministerial Inquiry was conducted according to the rules of natural justice.

65.       Whether the conclusions of the Ministerial Inquiry were supported by the evidence.

66.       Whether Peter Ellis's conviction is unsafe.

67.       Whether Peter Ellis should be pardoned.

68.       Whether the Christchurch City Council decision to withhold key evidence in the Employment Court case taken by the creche workers against their employer caused a miscarriage of justice.

69        Whether all the creche staff should be compensated.




B.      The Wider Issues


70.       Whether government policy-makers have been misled by inflated claims about the nature and prevalence of child sexual abuse.

71.       Whether the investigative practices and protocols based on these claims effectively ensure that any suspicion of sexual abuse will almost inevitably be confirmed.

72.       Whether the 'abuse-focussed therapy' promoted by ACC and other state agencies encourages the creation of false memories of sexual abuse.

73.       Whether the 'keeping children safe' policies and procedures for schools instituted following the conviction of Peter Ellis do more harm than good.

74.       Whether changes are needed in;

a.       The conduct of police investigations and their supervision by senior police officers, and in particular the degree of control that is exercised by those officers over the conduct of the investigation and the gathering and preparation of evidence.

b.       The role of the prosecutor in supervising the gathering of evidence and deciding whether to proceed with a case, and the arrangements for the disclosure of material, including unused material, to the defence;

c.       The place of expert evidence (especially expert psychological evidence) in criminal proceedings, the responsibilities of experts to the court, prosecution, and defence, and the relationship between forensic science services and the police;

d.       The arrangements for the defence of accused persons, access to legal advice, and access to expert evidence;

e.       The powers of the courts in directing proceedings; the role of pre-trial reviews; the courts' duty in considering evidence, including uncorroborated allegations.

75.    Whether the Minister of Justice has abdicated his responsibility to address the concerns raised by the creche case.




C.      Questions Relating To The Creche Case That Are Already Under Review


76.       Whether the 1989 changes to the Evidence Act relating to children's evidence are likely to cause miscarriages of justice.

77.       Whether more independent and transparent procedures for handling alleged miscarriages of justice when appeal rights have been exhausted are needed.





The need for a Royal Commission of Inquiry
presided over by a judge or judges from
outside the New Zealand jurisdiction:


78.       The grounds for convening commissions of inquiry

were discussed in the report of the 1966 Royal Commission on Tribunals of Inquiry:

The history of inquiries ... shows that from time to time cases arise concerning rumoured instances of lapses in accepted standards of public administration and other matters causing public concern which cannot be dealt with by ordinary civil or criminal procedures but which require investigation in order to allay public anxiety.


79.       New Zealand law allows commissions of inquiry to investigate and report on

any question arising out of or concerning: the administration of the Government; the working of any existing law; the necessity or expediency of any legislation; the conduct of any officer in the service of the Crown; or any other matter of public importance [Commissions of Inquiry Act 1908].


80.       Members of the Commission

As was the case with the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the conviction of Arthur Allan Thomas, the presiding judge or judges must be, and must be seen to be, independent of the New Zealand judiciary. The attacks on the New Zealand judge who conducted a robustly independent inquiry into the Erebus disaster reinforce this point.


81.       Suggested terms of reference

To ensure public confidence in the Commission's findings, the terms of reference would need to be drafted with care, and be subject to Parliamentary scrutiny. The following is a suggested starting point:

To enquire into and review the Christchurch Civic Creche case and to -

a.       Report on whether any decision, recommendation, act or omission of any
person employed by or contracted to a government or local body in relation to
the Christchurch Civic Creche case –

i.        Appears to have been contrary to law; or

ii.       Was unreasonable, unjust, or oppressive; or

iii.      Was in accordance with a rule of law or a provision of any Act, regulation, or bylaw or a practice that is or may be unreasonable, unjust, or oppressive; or

iv.      Was based wholly or partly on a mistake of law or fact; or

v.       Was wrong; or

vi.      That in making the decision or recommendation, or in the doing or omission of the act, a discretionary power has been exercised for an improper purpose or on irrelevant grounds or on the taking into account of irrelevant considerations;

b.       Report on whether -

i.        Any practice on which a decision, recommendation, act, or omission was based should be altered; or

ii.       Any law on which a decision, recommendation, act, or omission was based should be reconsidered; or

iii.      Any other steps should be taken.



82.       Procedural matters

a.       The Truth and Reconciliation Commission model -

Consideration should be given to establishing a Royal Commission of Inquiry incorporating elements of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission model - e.g. the commission could offer amnesty to those whose conduct is called into question in exchange for a full, truthful account of their role in the case, while those whose rights had been violated could be offered the opportunity to be heard, and to hear the truth come out, as an alternative to expensive and divisive show trials and administrative purges, and endlessly escalating compensation claims.

b.       Administration -

i.        The power of the Executive or Government to appoint Commissioners and set the terms of reference for a Commission of Inquiry are powerful tools which may be used to control the process of the Inquiry itself, Because of the complex and controversial issues involved, processes for the appointment of the Commissioners, and the drafting of the terms of reference for an inquiry into the creche case, should be subject to Parliamentary scrutiny and have a broad political consensus. A consensus at the outset would build public confidence in the validity of the Commission's findings.

ii        To ensure that witnesses are not intimidated, and the Commission is not undermined by public servants with vested interests, provision should be made for Commissioners to bring their own key administrative staff. Other staff should be recruited from universities and the private sector, rather than seconded from the public service.

iii       To ensure that all evidence and arguments put before the Commission are properly tested the various interests affected or likely to be affected by any recommendation of the Commission should have the advice and support of counsel.





Miscarriages of Justice: Historical Precedents

83.       Advice to the Minister.

The need for a Royal Commission of Inquiry in the Christchurch Civic Creche case has been brought to the attention of successive Ministers of Justice by many people on many occasions over the past decade. In considering these calls, Ministers have been advised by the Ministry of Justice, the Crown Law Office and the Attorney-General. These advisors have a vested interest in not having a Royal Commission of Inquiry into the creche case. Consequently, instead of being part of the solution, these advisors may be part of the problem. Objections commonly raised to a Commission of Inquiry by these advisors include:

a.       that the jury's fact finding role should not be impugned,

b.       that Ministerial interference in a decision of the courts would breach constitutional conventions related to the separation of powers.

c.       that a political response to public unease on such matters would be improper.


84.       New Zealand precedents.

The attached response to the Ministry of Justice discussion paper The Royal Prerogative of Mercy: A Review of New Zealand Practice addresses the above concerns, and provides information on the history of miscarriages of justice in New Zealand that has been overlooked or presented in a different light by the Minister's advisors.


85.       Overseas precedents.

a.       The creche case fits the pattern of other high-profile miscarriages of justice overseas,
e.g. the 1894 Dreyfus case in France, the 1980s IRA cases in Britain, the 1979 Hilton Hotel bombing and the I981Lindy Chamberlain case in Australia. In all these cases, a horrifying crime (espionage [Dreyfus], terrorist bombings [Hilton and IRA], child murder [Chamberlain]) was attributed to a member or members of a despised minority (Jew [Dreyfus], Irishmen [IRA], Ananda Marga [Hilton], Seventh Day Adventist [Chamberlain]). As a result, a volatile mix of public outrage and the demand for a scapegoat unbalanced the scales of justice, leading to the conviction of the innocent.

b.       In all these cases normal legal processes failed to identify and correct the miscarriages of justice.
Politicians of the day used the arguments listed in paragraph 83 (above) to avoid acknowledging or dealing with the public unease. Their inaction further eroded public confidence in the administration of justice. It was only after sustained public, political and media campaigns that the elected representatives of the people accepted their constitutional duty to intervene and repair the damage.